Off-and-on trying out an account over at @tal@oleo.cafe due to scraping bots bogging down lemmy.today to the point of near-unusability.

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Cake day: October 4th, 2023

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  • tal@lemmy.todaytoComic Strips@lemmy.worldThere's enough people on the planet
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    5 hours ago

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/We_Didn't_Start_the_Fire

    “We Didn’t Start the Fire” is a song written by American musician Billy Joel.

    Joel conceived the idea for the song when he had just turned 40. He was in a recording studio and met a 21-year-old friend of Sean Lennon who said “It’s a terrible time to be 21!”. Joel replied: “Yeah, I remember when I was 21 – I thought it was an awful time and we had Vietnam, and y’know, drug problems, and civil rights problems and everything seemed to be awful”. The friend replied: “Yeah, yeah, yeah, but it’s different for you. You were a kid in the fifties and everybody knows that nothing happened in the fifties”. Joel retorted: “Wait a minute, didn’t you hear of the Korean War or the Suez Canal Crisis?” Joel later said those headlines formed the basic framework for the song.[4]

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eFTLKWw542g

    🎵 We didn’t start the fire 🎵
    🎵 It was always burning since the world’s been turning 🎵
    🎵 We didn’t start the fire 🎵
    🎵 No, we didn’t light it, but we tried to fight it 🎵


  • Actually, whether or not it’s permitted is, surprisingly, an undecided point in case law.

    The case law here is Goldwater v. Carter, but the Supreme Court ruled on a technicality rather than the major question.

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Goldwater_v._Carter

    Goldwater v. Carter, 444 U.S. 996 (1979), was a United States Supreme Court case in which the Court dismissed a lawsuit filed by Senator Barry Goldwater and other members of the United States Congress challenging the right of President Jimmy Carter to unilaterally nullify the Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty, which the United States had signed with the Republic of China, so that relations could instead be established with the People’s Republic of China.

    EDIT: I’ve brought it up before because a somewhat-analogous issue was also surprisingly undecided in UK case law, and there was a major legal tussle in the UK over it, whether or not the Prime Minister had the power to withdraw the UK from the EU without going to Parliament.












  • Wikipedia has a timeline (spanning multiple pages).

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_role-playing_video_games

    They count roguelikes as RPGs, which I would not, but I could see playing some of the old roguelikes.

    They include interactive fiction as RPGs, which I would not, but there is definitely text-based interactive fiction that I’d play.

    They include ARPGs, which I don’t normally refer to when thinking of RPGs. There are some here that I would say are worthwhile, like the Legend of Zelda games and the Secret of Mana games.

    I wouldn’t go back and play the early Final Fantasy games, but I suspect that there are fans of the series who would go for all of them.

    I didn’t like EarthBound/Mother 2, but I know that it has a lot of fans. Maybe some people would enjoy it.

    They include Syndicate as a tactical RPG, which I would not, but I think that I’d still enjoy it. Not a very complicated game, but satisfying.




  • The thing is mostly that, while unpopularity does have an impact, that impact is probably going to be somewhat bounded regarding the Trump administration.

    Trump cannot be voted out in the midterms, and the US does not have snap elections the way parliamentary systems do, so absent him dying in office or otherwise becoming incapacitated, he will probably be around for the rest of his term.

    In general, the popularity (or lack thereof) of the President affects turnout and how people vote for legislative representatives in the midterm elections.

    For the Trump administration, there are a couple of major inflection points that I’m aware of.

    • Democrats take control of the House in the midterm elections. I would guess that at this point, this is most-likely going to happen, and most of what I’ve read — including from the Republican side of the aisle — agrees with this. The major impact of this will be that Democrats will be able to initiate Congressional inquiries and demand that the Executive turn over a lot of information about its activities. As I recall reading, the Trump administration specifically directed its the Executive not to respond to requests for information from Congressional representatives in anything other than situations where they were legally bound to do so, which I understand breaks with convention. Basically, the way this works is that a simple majority has to start an inquiry, and put people in front of the House, and then representatives from both sides of the aisle are allowed to require them to testify. Lisa Murkowski, a moderate Republican senator who has been critical of Trump, had some comment a while back about how the only way she found out about things was in the news, so I expect that Republican legislators probably aren’t getting much information either. I’d assume that the Democrats will use this both the present the administration in a negative light, and to turn up information damaging to the administration. It will let the Democrats block legislation that they don’t like, though I’d assume that there will be an effort to pass any legislation that they might block and that the administration wants in the first half of the term. If they find that Trump has broken the law, they can impeach Trump, but this has limited impact (other than acting as condemnation of Trump) unless they can get a two-thirds supermajority in the Senate to convict and remove him from office; this would require a number of Republican senators to agree that he needs to be out of office, and I’m skeptical that this will happen unless there is material that comes out that is considerably more damning than anything thus far.

    • Democrats take control of the Senate in the midterm elections. What I’ve read is that this is possible, but unlikely. Nate Silver had an article some time back talking about how is was more-likely than one might expect (generally, the Republicans have an advantage in the Senate, as they dominate in more low-population states), and I’ve seen several other articles saying that while odds are they will not, it is a real possibility, not to be dismissed. I don’t know, off the cuff, what impact this will have. It would permit Democrats to block Trump’s nominations for people if he dismisses them, which might give cabinet members considerably more ability to disagree with him, if they want to do so. I don’t know of anything that a simple majority in both House and Senate buys the Democrats. It’d let them pass legislation that Trump disagrees with in Congress, but Trump can veto it; overriding a veto would require a two-thirds supermajority in both houses.

    The US has weak party discipline; legislators are less-accountable to the party as a whole than in many countries. It’s possible that some close votes could be flipped by legislators not voting strictly along party lines. For example, some Republican legislators voted to release Epstein information.

    I don’t know what, if any, impact there will be from control shift regarding the administration asserting emergency powers to impose tariffs. My understanding is that there are currently lawsuits underway, which the Trump administration is most-likely expected to lose, with a major ruling expected in the next week, but that there may be other legal routes for the administration to effectively impose tariffs. I am not sure that Trump’s approval ratings will have an impact here.

    Trump’s approval probably will have an impact on his influence on Republican politicians. Trump has, in the past, threatened to and endorsed primary election opponents of those Republican politicians who disagree with him. The value of a Trump endorsement is predicated on Trump’s popularity, so Trump will generally lose sway over Republican politicians if he becomes less popular.

    EDIT: The Executive mostly gets to run foreign policy, so I think that regardless of what happens in Congress, aside from tariffs (which are important and are normally a Congressional power) and extended troop deployments, US foreign policy will probably continue to be largely directed by the Trump administration.

    EDIT2: Oh, winning the House will give the Democrats ability to block and thus horse-trade on the federal budget. They did so before, but that was relying on the fillibuster. The Senate can always eliminate the power; it’s simply a convention built on internal rules set by a simple majority in the Senate itself, which is presently controlled by the Republicans. While adverse to breaking with convention, in a serious enough case, a majority in the Senate could choose to simply remove that power from the minority. In contrast, there is no recourse if the House doesn’t want to pass a budget. Pretty much all of what the President does depends on having funds to do it, and he doesn’t get money unless Congress chooses to give it to him, so while it’s not a very flexible tool, it is a powerful one.



  • tal@lemmy.todaytoWikipedia@lemmy.worldMundaneum
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    1 day ago

    Prior to the shift to computers — where you typically have computer programmers designing data structures and such — my understanding is that a lot of people worked on designing filing systems for humans to use, which was somewhat analogous.


  • The point I’m making is that bash is optimized for quickly writing throwaway code. It doesn’t matter if the code written blows up in some case other than the one you’re using. You don’t need to handle edge cases that don’t apply to the one time that you will run the code. I write lots of bash code that doesn’t handle a bunch of edge cases, because for my one-off use, that edge case doesn’t arise. Similarly, if an LLMs is generating code that misses some edge case, if it’s a situation that will never arise, and that may not be a problem.

    EDIT: I think maybe that you’re misunderstanding me as saying “all bash code is throwaway”, which isn’t true. I’m just using it as an example where throwaway code is a very common, substantial use case.


  • I don’t know: it’s not just the outputs posing a risk, but also the tools themselves

    Yeah, that’s true. Poisoning the training corpus of models is at least a potential risk. There’s a whole field of AI security stuff out there now aimed at LLM security.

    it shouldn’t require additional tools, checking for such common flaws.

    Well, we are using them today for human programmers, so… :-)



    • Silver Box games
    • Gold Box games

    I’d have a really hard time recommending these to anyone unless they’re specifically wanting to experience an old game. Yes, at the time they came out, they were good, and I enjoyed them, but things have just moved on by way too much.

    I could go back and play some of the other games in this category, like Jagged Alliance 2.

    I kind of hesitate at recommending even Fallout: New Vegas to a present-day gamer, just due to age, and that’s only 16 years old. You’re talking 33+ years if you’re getting into the Gold Box stuff. There are only a few games from the early 1990s and before that I think have really aged comfortably enough to be something I’d recommend. Pac-Man or Tetris, sure.